Indian Identity: Deconstructing Civilizational Myths and Constructing a Unified Future of Secular Inclusion

The discourse surrounding Indian identity has long been caught between the polarized narratives of an unchanging ancient monolith and a fragmented collection of disparate regions. This comprehensive investigation seeks to reconcile the archaeological and genetic realities of the subcontinent’s origins with the sociological transformations of its religious and political landscapes. By examining the evolution of native philosophies, the arrival of foreign faiths, the unique sociopolitical laboratory of Kerala, and the shifting ideologies of modern political actors, a path is illuminated toward a unified, pan-Indian identity. This identity, rooted in a modernized Gandhian framework, advocates for the dismantling of divisive legal and social structures in favor of a caste-blind, religion-blind republic.

The Myth of the Monolithic Origin: Genomic and Archaeogenetic Realities

A foundational myth in the construction of Indian nationalism is the assertion that India represents a static, 7,000-year-old monolithic civilization. However, modern genetic analysis and archaeological findings suggest that the subcontinent’s identity is not the product of a single ancestral line but is instead an intricate tapestry of interracial mixing and the evolution of both native and foreign ideas. The Indus Valley Civilization (IVC), which flourished from 2600 to 1900 BCE, serves as the primary evidence for this complexity. Genomic sequencing of individuals from Harappan sites, specifically the Rakhigarhi individual (I6113), reveals a population that was already a mixture of lineages related to ancient Iranians and Southeast Asian hunter-gatherers.1

Critically, this ancient DNA lacked ancestry from Steppe pastoralists or Western Iranian farmers, suggesting that the development of agriculture in South Asia was a local innovation by sedentary foragers rather than a result of mass migration from the Fertile Crescent.3 The formation of the modern Indian population occurred through subsequent admixture events. Around 2000 BCE, a southward movement of people from the IVC mixed with indigenous hunter-gatherers to form the Ancestral South Indians (ASI), while a northward admixture with incoming Western Steppe Herders formed the Ancestral North Indians (ANI).5 This “Indian Cline” demonstrates that almost all modern Indians share more or less uniform DNA, with varying proportions of these components across a gradient rather than distinct racial divides.4

Ancestral Genetic Components and the Formation of the Indian Population

Ancestral Component Estimated Origin Period Primary Genetic Source Role in Modern Population Formation
Ancient Ancestral South Indian (AASI) Deep Prehistory Indigenous Hunter-Gatherers Formed the core layer of the Ancestral South Indian (ASI) lineage.5
Indus Periphery Cline 3000–2000 BCE Iranian Hunter-Gatherers + AASI The genetic profile of the Indus Valley Civilization; lacks Steppe ancestry.2
Ancestral North Indian (ANI) Post-2000 BCE Indus Periphery + Steppe Pastoralists Formed by admixture in the north; associated with Indo-European speakers.5
Ancestral South Indian (ASI) Post-2000 BCE Indus Periphery + AASI Formed by southward migration and mixing with local indigenous groups.5

The realization that the “Dravidian” and “Aryan” labels are genetic conveniences rather than biological absolutes serves as a powerful debunking of divisive political narratives. Modern DNA analysis confirms that the people of the subcontinent are remarkably uniform in their shared heritage.1 This insight provides a biological foundation for a pan-India identity, rendering claims of “foreign” high-castes scientifically obsolete while acknowledging the rich, indigenous heritage of the region.

The Evolution of Religious Philosophy and the Deterioration of the Varna System

The spiritual identity of India is characterized by a dialectical evolution from ritualistic Vedic practices to the more abstract and philosophical Vedanta and Upanishads. While the early Vedic religion focused on the propitiation of external deities through sacrifice, the Upanishads introduced higher ideals of universal consciousness and the identity of the individual soul (Atman) with the ultimate reality (Brahman).6 However, these sophisticated philosophical arguments remained largely confined to intellectual circles and sacred texts, failing to permeate the daily social structures of the majority.6

The adoption of the caste system (varna) appears to have been a pragmatic evolution intended for the division of labor, a social technology not unique to India. Parallel systems can be found in ancient Judaism, where the tribe of Levi was designated for temple worship and administrative roles, with the Kohanim (priests) maintaining hereditary rights to specific religious duties.8

Comparative Tribal/Caste Structures: India and Judaism

Social Category Indian Varna System Ancient Jewish Tribal Hierarchy
Priestly Class Brahmins (Custodians of rituals and Vedic knowledge) Kohanim (Descendants of Aaron; Temple sacrifices).8
Temple Service Brahmins/Temple staff Levites (Tribe of Levi; music, teaching, guarding).9
Inheritance Strictly by birth; endogamous groups (Jatis) Strictly by lineage; Kohanim cannot enter cemeteries or marry divorcees.8
Exclusion Dalits/Untouchables (Outside the varna system) Non-Israelite slaves/outsiders (Varying degrees of separation).10

Over time, this functional division of labor in India deteriorated into a rigid, hereditary hierarchy characterized by the oppression of the majority and the practice of untouchability.10 The “Brahmanic social order” effectively used its monopoly on theological interpretation to justify this graded inequality, suggesting that one’s social status was a reflection of deeds in previous births.12 This stagnation created a sociopolitical vacuum that internal and external reformers sought to fill.

The Rise and Political Defeat of Buddhism

Buddhism emerged as a native revolutionary movement that first proposed the concept of universal equality. By rejecting the authority of the Vedas and the permanence of the soul, the Buddha offered a path to liberation that was theoretically accessible to all regardless of caste.13 However, Buddhism was ultimately defeated within the Indian subcontinent by the political caste system. This defeat was facilitated by the sophisticated appropriation of Buddhist concepts into the Upanishadic framework, effectively making separate Buddhist institutions redundant.15

The decline of Buddhism was not merely a philosophical event but a result of shifting political patronage. As medieval monarchs found the Puranic ideology more suitable for stabilizing social structures and extracting labor through the varna system, royal support for monastic institutions dwindled.13 The Bhakti movement further eroded Buddhist influence by simplifying religious practice and allowing the common person a direct emotional relationship with the divine, thereby “usurping” Buddhism’s appeal as a simpler alternative to Vedic ritualism.16

The Arrival of Islam and the Persistence of Hierarchy

Islam’s arrival in India was accompanied by the promise of an egalitarian brotherhood. However, in practice, the introduction of Islam did not result in the mass attraction to universal equality initially envisioned. The socio-political structure of medieval Islam, characterized by patriarchal norms and the imposition of antediluvian Sharia laws, created new forms of social exclusion.17 Rather than dismantling the caste system, Islamic society in India often developed its own internal hierarchies, mirroring the social divisions of the region it inhabited.11

Political Islam, particularly in its contemporary forms like Jama-at-e-Islami and Wahabi/Salafi movements, continues to present a challenge to Indian nationalism. These movements, often supported by lavish funding from nations such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Iran, promote a version of Islam that emphasizes separation from the broader national culture and adheres to strict, conservative interpretations of the Sharia.17 This external funding has been linked to the radicalization of youth in regions like Kashmir and parts of South India, creating “states within a state” that resist national integration.17

Kerala: The Crossroads of Civilizations and the Failure of Equality

Kerala serves as a unique case study in Indian identity. It is not a majority Hindu state in the same sense as much of the Hindi heartland, boasting a history of religious pluralism that dates back to the earliest centuries of the common era.20 Jewish and Christian populations have existed in Kerala since antiquity, with traditions suggesting trade links to King Solomon’s time and the arrival of St. Thomas in 52 CE.21 The European era introduced Catholicism and Protestantism, and later American influence brought Pentecostalism to the region.20

Despite the professions of universal equality by Christian denominations, the religion failed to deliver social parity for new converts from lower castes. This is best exemplified by the experience of Poykayil Yohannan (also known as Sreekumara Gurudevan). Born into a slave family of Christian converts, Yohannan realized that the established churches maintained the same caste prejudices as the broader society.20 In 1909, he left institutional Christianity and founded the Prathyaksha Raksha Daiva Sabha (PRDS), a religious protest movement that advocated for the liberation of Dalits and asserted a “Dravida Dalit” identity that was neither Christian nor Hindu.20

The Kerala Renaissance and Community Reformers

Reformer Movement/Organization Core Objective Impact on Identity
Sree Narayana Guru SNDP Yogam Abolition of caste; education for Ezhavas Promoted “One Caste, One Religion, One God”.20
Mahatma Ayyankali SJPS Rights for Dalits to use public roads and attend school Led agricultural strikes for social dignity.20
Saint Chavara Catholic Education Mandatory schools in parishes (Pallikkoodam) Boosted literacy across various communities.20
Poykayil Yohannan PRDS Liberation of Dalit Christians/slaves Rejected the Bible as a source of liberation for the oppressed.20

The subsequent political evolution of Kerala saw the rise of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)), which has led the state’s democratic governance for decades. However, the party has increasingly faced criticism for failing to deliver on its original Marxian ideals for the upliftment of the poor and the lower castes.20 Instead, it has been accused of deteriorating into a corrupt organization characterized by nepotism, cronyism, and the promotion of “alternate truths” to protect its leadership.25

The Marxist Paradox: Anti-Nationalism and Foreign Allegiances

A significant friction point between the Marxist parties and Indian identity is the party’s historical stance on Indian nationalism. The CPI(M) and its predecessors famously did not recognize Indian independence in 1947, adopting the slogan “Ye Azaadi Jhooti Hai” (This freedom is a lie) and viewing the transfer of power as a betrayal of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie.28 This legacy of skepticism toward the Indian state continues to manifest in the party’s international orientations.

Marxist parties in India have a long history of supporting China and Russia, even when their interests conflict with Indian national policy. For example, recent resolutions from the CPI(M) defend Russia’s security concerns as “legitimate”.30 Similarly, the party maintains deep bilateral ties with the Communist Party of China (CPC), participating in exchange visits to “enhance political mutual trust” and praising China’s models as an inspiration for Kerala.32 This alignment with foreign powers positions the Marxist movement as a force that often undermines the project of a cohesive national identity.

Contemporary Threats to National Unity: Religious Radicalization and “Miracle” Industries

Modern Indian nationalism is currently pressured by two increasingly well-funded forces: political Islam and independent evangelicalism. Political Islam seeks to redefine the identity of Indian Muslims along the lines of global Salafism or the Muslim Brotherhood, often leading to conflict with national policies.17 Simultaneously, a new breed of independent Pentecostal pastors has made a lucrative industry of evangelization in low-caste and tribal areas.24

These pastors, often funded by rich retirees and tithes from poor converts, take advantage of historical grievances to sow division.34 A recurring narrative focuses on the “Dravidian” identity as the original inhabitants of India, distinct from high-caste “foreigners.” Sociologically, this narrative serves as a powerful symbol of cultural and social autonomy for non-Brahmin communities, providing a basis for resisting historical social dominance. However, when used as a tool for alienation rather than inclusion, it conflicts with the genetic reality of the “Indian Cline,” which shows that modern Indians share a largely uniform ancestral heritage.5

The Evolution of Political Identity: BJP, RSS, and the INC

The political landscape of the 21st century is defined by a shift in the vision of pan-India identity. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) are increasingly viewed as evolving toward a more inclusive vision that attempts to incorporate all castes into a broad framework.36 This evolution represents a pragmatic attempt to transcend high-caste associations of the past and build a truly national identity.37

The Paradox of “Soft Hindutva”: The Congress Roots of Conservative Legislation

A critical weakness of Nehruvian and Congress-led secularism lies in its historical role as the primary architect of the very laws now associated with the religious right. Rather than a clean break from tradition, the early Congress party engaged in a “Defensive Secularism” that institutionalized majoritarian sentiments through the back door of economic and scientific framing.46

  1. Cow Slaughter Prohibitions: The genesis of bovine regulation was not a later imposition but a Congress-engineered “Constitutional Compromise” during the 1946-1949 assembly debates.46 To preserve a secular face, traditionalists like Rajendra Prasad rebranded the cow as a “moving manure factory” and an essential capital asset, leading to its inclusion in Article 48 of the Directive Principles.46 State-level bans in the 1950s (such as the UP Act of 1955) were established almost exclusively by Congress-led governments.46
  2. Proselytization Laws: The intellectual blueprint for anti-conversion legislation was the 1954 Niyogi Committee, formed by the Congress government in Madhya Pradesh.46 This inquiry provided the “secular” critique that viewed missionary work as a tool of Western supremacy rather than spiritual activity, establishing the standard definitions of “force, fraud, and inducement” used in every modern law.46

For many independent Christian pastors and social critics, these policies prove that the Gandhian and Congress traditions represent a “soft Hinduism” that never truly intended to separate church and state.46 They cite Gandhi’s personal disbelief in conversion (“I disbelieve in the conversion of one person by another”) as the moral root that continues to underpin later BJP-NDA policies.

Political Stances on National Integration Policies

Policy/Issue BJP/RSS Stance INC/Left/Minority Parties Stance
Uniform Civil Code (UCC) Essential for equality and national unity.39 Seen as a threat to diversity and Islamic identity.47
Article 370 Abrogation Vital for full integration of J&K into India.41 Viewed as a violation of federalism and local autonomy.41
Waqf Act Reform Necessary to bring religious property under secular law.44 Opposed as an attack on religious freedom.44
Cow Slaughter Bans Punitive majoritarianism; escalation to life imprisonment. Established the legislative templates (Article 48) via economic framing.46
Proselytization Rules Stringent penalties and mandatory state notification. Institutionalized anti-missionary sentiment via the Niyogi Report.46

Conclusion: A Vision for a Reunified Republic

The analysis of the myths and realities of Indian identity leads to the conclusion that a pan-India inclusive viewpoint is the only sustainable path for the future. To achieve this, a radical restructuring of the Indian political framework is necessary, requiring a fundamental shift within all parties—including Congress and the BJP—to move past communal patronage.

First, the Constitution of India must be amended to become truly caste-blind and religion-blind. The implementation of a Uniform Civil Code (UCC) is a non-negotiable step. By ensuring that all citizens are governed by the same personal laws, the state can finally dismantle the divisions created by the colonial era and preserved by post-independence politics.44

Second, the current fragmentation of the political landscape must be addressed by merging the ideologies of the Dalit parties, the Congress, and the BJP into a Grand National Synthesis. This would involve a transition from “pseudo-secularism” and “punitive majoritarianism” toward a robust national affiliation.

Finally, all political parties should be required to subscribe to a pan-Indian identity, with rules of patriotism and treason that make avowal of Indian identity pivotal in receiving government-issued benefits. By merging the spiritual ideals of the Upanishads with the modern genetic reality of a shared heritage, India can finally move past religious silos and fulfill the collective destiny of the republic.

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A Comparative Analysis of Biblical Inerrancy and Mainstream Consensus

This study examines the points of convergence and divergence between key tenets of biblical inerrancy and the prevailing consensus within mainstream scientific and political thought. The following table provides a summary of these findings, highlighting the significant areas of agreement and disagreement.

Convergence and Divergence of Principles

Policy DomainScientific & Secular ConsensusBiblical Inerrancy PrincipleConvergence / Divergence  Analysis
Climate ChangeAnthropogenic Warming: Human activity drives warming; the Earth has physical limits and tipping points.1Resilient Creation & Dominion: God designed a resilient Earth that man cannot destroy; natural resources exist for human use (Genesis 1:28).2Divergence: Scientific calls for emission reductions are rejected as denying God’s providence.
Convergence (Minority): “Creation Care” movements argue stewardship requires conservation, though this is less common in fundamentalist circles.1
Public Health (Vaccines)Herd Immunity: Vaccination prevents disease spread; biological risks are managed through medicine.4Divine Protection: Faith provides immunity; the body is a temple; reliance on medicine can signal weak faith or complicity in “evil” (if fetal cells are suspected).4Divergence: Religious exemptions undermine herd immunity; “faith” is positioned as a superior shield to biological intervention.4
Abortion & Fetal TissueDevelopmental Biology: Fetal viability determines survivability; fetal tissue is a gold-standard research tool for curing disease.7Personhood at Conception: Life begins at fertilization (Psalm 139); embryos possess full legal/moral personhood.9Divergence: Total bans on abortion and fetal tissue research hinder medical progress (e.g., HIV/Zika cures) and endanger maternal health.8
LGBTQ+ RightsSpectrum of Identity: Sexual orientation and gender identity are natural human variations; gender-affirming care improves mental health.12Binary Creation: God created “male and female” (Genesis 1:27); gender is immutable; homosexuality is a sin/behavior, not an identity.[14]Divergence: Rejection of medical consensus on gender dysphoria; bans on “best practice” care labeled as “mutilation” or sin.14
Foreign Policy (Israel)Geopolitical Realism: Policy based on strategic stability, human rights, and international law.16Dispensationalism: Israel’s restoration is a prophetic necessity for the End Times; nations are blessed/cursed based on support for Israel (Genesis 12:3).17Divergence: Unconditional support for Israel regardless of international law; geopolitical conflict viewed as inevitable fulfillment of prophecy rather than a problem to solve.19
Nuclear PolicyNon-Proliferation: Nuclear war is an existential threat to be avoided through diplomacy and disarmament.20Apocalyptic Inevitability: The world is destined for destruction/renewal (Revelation); war in the Middle East may herald the Second Coming.21Divergence: Reduced urgency for disarmament; nuclear conflict reframed as part of a divine timeline rather than a policy failure.21
EconomicsStructural Analysis: Poverty results from systemic factors; social safety nets are required for equity.24Prosperity Gospel: Wealth is a sign of God’s blessing; poverty indicates lack of faith or sin; charity is the church’s role, not the state’s.25Divergence: Moral justification for deregulation and welfare cuts; rejection of systemic inequality theories.27
Human Rights / DEIEquity & Inclusion: Systemic racism exists and requires active correction (DEI); diversity strengthens institutions.Imago Dei (Individualism): All are made in God’s image, but “systemic” sin is rejected in favor of individual sin; DEI is viewed as “cultural Marxism.”Convergence: Both agree on the inherent value of the human (Imago Dei).
Divergence: Inerrancy rejects systemic remedies (like Affirmative Action) as violating individual moral agency.

What It Really Means to Be a “Bible-Believing” Church

If you’ve spent any time navigating the choppy waters of American religious discourse, you’ve encountered the phrase, typically delivered with a reverent sigh or a challenging glare: “We are a Bible-Believing Church.” The capitalization is silent but implied, the gravitas inescapable. It’s a self-issued gold medal in the Christian Olympics, immediately marking every other denomination—from the ancient Orthodox to the progressive Methodists—as participants in the inferior, non-medal-winning leagues of “Bible-Shrugging,” “Bible-Wavering,” or perhaps, the dreaded, “Bible-Thinking” denominations.

One might think that the mission of a “Bible-Believing” church would be, simply, to believe the Bible. But that, my friends, is where the delightful sarcasm of reality comes into play. The phrase is not a statement of belief; it is a meticulously crafted policy platform, a secret handshake, and, most importantly, a declaration of whom they believe to be wrong on nearly every major social and scientific issue of the day.

To truly understand what this highly coveted (and self-conferred) title means, we must look at the evidence. The “Bible-Believing” mandate, as practiced today, has evolved from mere theology into a comprehensive, and often contrarian, manual for navigating the modern world. Let’s decode this sacred jargon, using the contemporary political and scientific landscape as our Rosetta Stone.

The Divine Disagreement with Science

When a “Bible-Believing” church addresses Climate Change, the term doesn’t imply an understanding of Genesis 1’s “dominion” as responsible stewardship. Oh, no. It means the consensus of 97% of the world’s climate scientists is less authoritative than a single, perfectly proof-texted verse interpreted through the lens of manifest destiny. The “Bible-Believing” position dictates that God created the Earth tough. It’s a divinely armored vehicle, not some delicate flower that can be ruined by a few billion tons of carbon dioxide. Therefore, calls for emission reductions are not policy suggestions; they are sacrilegious attempts to deny God’s foresight and providence. Why worry about a few melting glaciers when the book of Revelation promises a fiery, spectacular redo anyway?

The same delightful stubbornness applies to Public Health. For the true “Bible-Believer,” a vaccine isn’t a medical miracle that ended smallpox; it’s a suspicious biological intervention that suggests an appalling lack of faith. After all, if your body is a temple, why taint it with something manufactured in a lab? The proper shield against pestilence is not herd immunity; it is divine immunity, delivered via unshakeable faith. To accept a shot is to implicitly signal that God’s protective power might need a little pharmaceutical backup, which, as any true believer knows, is a sign of weak conviction.

And, of course, the granddaddy of all divergences: Abortion & Fetal Tissue Research. The “Bible-Believing” stance is not a nuanced consideration of medical ethics or maternal health; it is the absolute, non-negotiable decree that life begins precisely at the moment of conception—not viability, not consciousness, but fertilization. This position is so unwavering that it supersedes any scientific consensus on fetal viability or the potential for fetal tissue to cure diseases like HIV or Zika. When faced with a choice between a total ban (which they believe upholds “personhood”) and a medical breakthrough (which they believe destroys it), the Bible-Belief dictates the immediate and absolute end of the research. Progress is secondary to proclamation.

The Geopolitical Gospel

The Bible-Believing mandate also extends far beyond domestic policy and into the thrilling world of foreign affairs. In their view, Foreign Policy toward Israel is not to be guided by boring concepts like “geopolitical realism,” “international law,” or “human rights.” That’s the secular playbook. The truly “Bible-Believing” nation understands that its relationship with Israel is governed by a singular, non-negotiable prophetic necessity: Dispensationalism.

The existence of the modern Israeli state is viewed as an essential countdown marker for the End Times. Therefore, the goal of foreign policy is not peace and stability, but the rapid, unconditional, and enthusiastic fulfillment of prophecy. Every conflict in the Middle East isn’t a problem to solve; it’s a divine curtain-raiser for the Second Coming. Supporting Israel—unconditionally, without question—is simply what a nation does if it wants to be “blessed” (Genesis 12:3), transforming complex diplomacy into a theological prerequisite.

This apocalyptic flair also colors Nuclear Policy. While the secular world sees nuclear war as an existential threat to be avoided through tireless diplomacy and non-proliferation, the Bible-Believer sees it as a scheduling conflict—an unfortunate, but ultimately necessary, plot point in the divine timeline laid out in Revelation. The urgency to disarm is thus dramatically reduced. Why scramble to prevent an inevitable, divinely ordained event that will usher in the glorious new age? The end of the world is less a tragedy and more an incredibly dramatic, fire-and-brimstone retirement plan.

The Sacred Seal of Approval

Ultimately, the phrase “Bible-Believing” is less about holding a theological position and more about establishing an exclusionary political and cultural identity. It is a subtle but effective way of saying: “We reject the prevailing consensus on gender, climate, vaccines, and the structure of wealth distribution.”

This exclusionary tendency is perfectly crystallized by organizations like The Gideons International. The Gideons, famous for placing Bibles in hotel rooms, are extremely selective about the churches they partner with for support and distribution. Their mission is often focused narrowly on Protestant and Pentecostal churches, implicitly classifying the massive, ancient bodies of the Catholic and Orthodox churches as something less than “Bible-Believing.” They are deemed doctrinally suspect, perhaps too interested in tradition, sacraments, or, perish the thought, nuance.

And this is where the sarcasm must yield to a genuine, if slightly defiant, admiration. For those of us who believe that the Earth is a delicate system in need of protection, that medicine is a gift of human ingenuity, that peace is preferable to prophetic inevitability, and that empathy should guide public policy, this exclusion—this label of “Non-Bible-Believer”—is not a criticism.

In a world where “Bible-Believing” has become synonymous with rejecting scientific evidence, promoting apocalyptic urgency, and opposing the rights and identities of marginalized groups, to be labeled otherwise is an honor. It suggests an affiliation with reason, compassion, and the complex, messy work of global citizenship. The price of entry into the “Bible-Believing Church” is the willful suspension of critical thought and the adoption of a perpetually contrarian political stance.

The Living Word and the Closed Caste: A Timeline of Biblical Evolution

Author’s Note: Before delving into this historical analysis, it is necessary to state clearly that while this essay examines the intersection of scripture, caste, and social hierarchy, this is not an endorsement of those systems. Slavery and casteism have unfortunately been integral companions to the Bible’s journey through history, often used to justify silence or exclusion. This piece is intended as an exercise in historical “navel-gazing”—an introspective, non-judgmental examination of the Nasrani community’s evolution. We look back not to condemn the silence of the past, but to understand the sociological facts that shaped it.

The Bible is often imagined as a static, singular book that descended from heaven, identical in every hand that holds it. History, however, reveals it to be a fluid library—a collection of texts whose boundaries (canons) have expanded and contracted like the borders of empires. The story of the Bible is not merely a story of divine inspiration; it is a human history of schisms, colonial power dynamics, and the fierce protection of identity. This is nowhere more evident than in the contrasting timelines of the Western Protestant tradition and the ancient, bifurcated saga of the St. Thomas Christians (Nasranis) of India.

Part I: The Global Timeline — From Full Library to the “Sixty-Six”

To understand the unique position of the Nasranis, we must first establish the global baseline. For the first 1,500 years of Christian history, the “Bible” was a much larger book than the one found in a modern hotel drawer.

The Early Church and the Septuagint The earliest Christians did not read Hebrew; they read Greek. Their Old Testament was the Septuagint, a translation made in Egypt (c. 250 BC) that included books like Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, and Maccabees. When the Council of Rome (382 AD) and the Council of Carthage (397 AD) officially set the Christian canon, they ratified 73 books. This version, translated into Latin by St. Jerome as the Vulgate, became the undisputed Bible of the West for a millennium.

The Protestant Shift The timeline fractured in the 16th century. Martin Luther, aiming to reform the Church, argued that doctrine should be based only on books found in the original Hebrew canon. He did not remove the extra books entirely but segregated them into a section between the Old and New Testaments called the “Apocrypha.” For three centuries, Protestant Bibles (including the King James Version of 1611) still contained 80 books.

The final contraction occurred in 1826. The British and Foreign Bible Society, driven by Puritan sentiments and rising printing costs, decided to stop printing the Apocrypha altogether. From that moment on, the standard Protestant Bible contained 66 books. This created a permanent divergence: the Protestant world moved forward with a “slimmed down” Bible, while the Catholic and Orthodox worlds retained the ancient, larger canons.

Part II: The Nasrani Saga — The Sword, the Scroll, and the Schism

While Europe debated Greek and Latin texts, the St. Thomas Christians (Nasranis) of Kerala were living in a different biblical timeline entirely—one anchored in Aramaic (Syriac), the language of Jesus himself.

1. The Era of the Peshitta: The “Hidden” Bible

For nearly 18 centuries, the Nasranis did not have a vernacular Bible. Their scriptures were the Syriac Peshitta (Simple Version).

The Peshitta was not a book for household reading; it was a liturgical object. It sat on the Thronos (altar), wrapped in silk, kissed by priests, and chanted in a language the common people considered sacred but largely did not understand. In this era, the Bible was an auditory experience, mediated entirely through the clergy. The Nasranis, functioning as a high-caste community akin to Brahmins, saw no need to translate this sacred text for the masses. To translate it into the common tongue was seen as profaning it.

2. The Colonial Disruption and the Split (1653)

The arrival of the Portuguese marked the first violation of this Syriac heritage. At the Synod of Diamper (1599), the Portuguese Jesuits burned Syriac texts they deemed “heretical” and forced the Nasranis to alter their Peshitta to match the Latin Vulgate. This imposition led to the Coonan Cross Oath of 1653, splitting the community into two factions with distinct biblical destinies:

  • The Puthenkoottukar (New Party): Those who resisted Rome and eventually aligned with the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch (today’s Orthodox/Jacobites).
  • The Pazhayakoottukar (Old Party): Those who remained in communion with Rome (today’s Syro-Malabar Church).

3. The Puthenkoottukar Timeline: The Protestant Compromise

The disruption of the Nasrani biblical timeline accelerated with the British. Colonel John Munro and the Church Missionary Society (CMS) sought to “reform” the ancient church by giving them the Bible in Malayalam.

Enter Rev. Benjamin Bailey, a British Anglican missionary. In 1841, he published the first complete Malayalam Bible. This created a theological paradox for the Orthodox faction. While they were anti-colonial in their church hierarchy, the Puthenkoottukar adopted the Benjamin Bailey Bible for study. Lacking the resources to print their own, they awkwardly used this Protestant version at home—a version that excluded the very books (Maccabees, Tobit) they read in their church liturgy.

By 1910, the Bailey translation was refined by the German linguist Hermann Gundert to create the Sathyavedapusthakam (The True Veda Book). This became the “Authorized Version” of Kerala Protestants and, by necessity, the Orthodox. For decades, an Orthodox family would read a 66-book canon at the dinner table but hear a 73+ book canon in Syriac at church.

4. The Pazhayakoottukar Timeline: The Era of Prohibition and Delay

The timeline for the Pazhayakoottukar (Syro-Malabar Catholics) was radically different. While their Orthodox neighbors were reading the Bailey Bible, the Catholics were forbidden to touch it. To the Catholic hierarchy, the Bailey Bible was a “Protestant book”—heretical, missing seven books, and translated by enemies of the Pope.

For nearly a century (1841–1930s), the Pazhayakoottukar had no authorized Malayalam Bible. Their faith was sustained by the Qurbana, oral tradition, and Catechism.

  • The Manjummal Version (c. 1905): The first crack in this prohibition came from the Carmelite monks of the Manjummal Monastery. Fr. Louis Vypissery translated the New Testament, but significantly, he did not use the original Greek or the Syriac. He translated from the Latin Vulgate. This was a defensive measure—a “Catholic” version created solely to stop the faithful from reading the Protestant Bailey version. It was stiff, Latinized, and not widely read.
  • The Mani Nidhiry Attempt (1930s): There was a brief, ambitious attempt by Fr. Mani Nidhiry to restore the Syro-Malabar identity by translating the Bible directly from the Syriac Peshitta. However, due to internal church politics and the dominance of the Latin hierarchy, this project stalled after the Gospels and Acts.
  • The POC Breakthrough (1981): The Pazhayakoottukar did not get a fully authorized, complete common Bible until 1981. Following the reforms of Vatican II, the Pastoral Orientation Centre (POC) released a translation based on the original Hebrew and Greek. This ended the 140-year drought, giving Kerala Catholics a Bible that finally included the Deuterocanon.

5. The Orthodox Resolution: Vishudha Grandham (1994)

It was not until 1994 that the Orthodox faction finally closed their own gap. V. Rev. Curien Kaniyamparambil, a scholar of the Jacobite Church, translated the Syriac Peshitta directly into Malayalam.

The Vishudha Grandham was the first vernacular Bible that actually matched the Puthenkoottukar theology. It included the Apocrypha, used distinct Syriac terminology (e.g., Sleeba for Cross), and restored the text to the version used by their ancestors before the British arrived.

Part III: Why the Delay? A Sociological Autopsy

Why did the Nasranis, a community claiming apostolic origin from 52 AD, wait until the late 20th century (1981 for Catholics, 1994 for Orthodox) to produce authentic vernacular Bibles? The reasons lie in the rigid sociology of Kerala.

1. The Caste Barrier and the Lack of Evangelism The primary driver of Bible translation in history is evangelism. Protestants translated the Bible into Hindi and Tamil quickly because they wanted to convert the masses. The Nasranis, however, did not want to convert anyone. Over centuries, the St. Thomas Christians had evolved into a closed, high-caste community. They sat near Brahmins and Nairs; they were “Mapillas” (Sons). To evangelize the Avarnas (lower castes) would have meant integrating “polluting” castes into their distinct ethnic community, which would have lowered their social standing in the Hindu kingdoms. Because they had no desire to share their faith with the non-Syrian masses, they had no practical need for a Malayalam Bible.

2. The Magisterium and the “Mystery” Both factions held a “High Church” view of scripture. They believed that the Bible belonged to the Church, not the individual.

  • Fear of Misinterpretation: The hierarchy feared that if common laypeople read the Bible without guidance, they would develop heretical ideas—a fear realized when the Mar Thoma Church split from the Orthodox faction in the 19th century after absorbing Anglican Sola Scriptura ideas.
  • Preservation of Mystery: Syriac acted as a veil. Much like Latin in the West or Sanskrit in Hinduism, the liturgical language preserved the “mystery” of the Qurbana. Making the text plain in Malayalam risked making the sacred mundane.

Part IV: The Gideon Contrast

This insular history stands in stark contrast to the Gideons International. The Gideons represent the ultimate evolution of the Protestant timeline: the Bible as a mass-produced, individual utility.

The Gideon Version The Gideons distribute a Bible strictly adhering to the 66-book Protestant canon. It contains no footnotes, no commentary, and no Apocrypha. Their theology is simple: “The seed is the Word of God” (Luke 8:11). They believe the text itself has the power to save, independent of a priest or church.

Why Gideons Don’t Reach Catholics and Orthodox You will never find a Gideon Bible in the pew of a Syro-Malabar or Jacobite church.

  1. The Canon Issue: To a Catholic or Orthodox believer, the Gideon Bible is a “mutilated” book. It is missing 7 books (Wisdom, Maccabees, etc.) that support key doctrines like Purgatory and prayers for the dead.
  2. The Authority Issue: The Gideons operate on Sola Scriptura (Scripture Alone). The ancient churches operate on Scripture plus Tradition plus Magisterium. The Gideons’ refusal to include the Deuterocanon or church-approved footnotes makes their Bibles unacceptable for Catholic/Orthodox use.
  3. The Approach: The Gideons scatter the Word like seeds on a highway—hotels, hospitals, schools. The Nasranis traditionally kept the Word like a jewel in a vault—guarded by priests, wrapped in silk, and revealed only in the sanctuary.

Conclusion

The timeline of the Bible is not a single straight line; it is a forking path. For the West, it moved from the Latin monopoly to the Protestant printing press, shrinking the canon to 66 books to prioritize accessibility.

For the Nasranis of Kerala, the journey was inverse. The Puthenkoottukar (Orthodox) endured a century of theological schizophrenia, using a Protestant Bible that contradicted their liturgy until the Vishudha Grandham of 1994. The Pazhayakoottukar (Catholics) endured a century of silence, forbidden from the vernacular until the post-Vatican II era birthed the POC Bible in 1981.

The delay of the Nasrani vernacular was not a failure of scholarship, but a calculated preservation of caste and ecclesial identity. While the Gideons sought to put a Bible in every hand to save souls, the Nasranis sought to keep the Bible in the hands of the priests to save their community’s unique social standing. It is only today that the children of St. Thomas can finally read the faith of their fathers in the tongue of their mothers.

The Gideon Malayalam Bible is essentially the Sathyavedapusthakam wrapped in a Gideons cover. It represents the “accessible, mass-produced” timeline of the Bible in Kerala, standing in direct contrast to the “guarded, liturgical” history of the Vishudha Grandham or the Peshitta.

Reference Note

To further illuminate the divergent paths of these traditions, a detailed chronological reference is appended to this essay. This timeline contrasts the rapid publication milestones of the Protestant pioneers, Benjamin Bailey and Hermann Gundert, against the centuries-long delay experienced by the Pazhayakoottukar and Puthenkoottukar factions. It serves as a visual testament to the historical lag between the printed word of the missionary and the reclaimed vernacular of the Nasrani.

Benjamin Bailey and Herman ….pdfDownload

Why the Malankara Church Must Pivot from Litigation to Legacy

I write this as a son of the St. Thomas tradition. My roots are in Vallamkulam, the cradle of our literary heritage Manorama publications, from a family that has stood with the Malankara faction since the split of 1912. Yet, looking at our Church today from my home in Canada, I feel less like a proud heir and more like a watchman seeing a storm on the horizon—not a storm of persecution, but of silence. The silence of empty pews.

For over a century, the Orthodox and Jacobite factions have been locked in a “War of the Title Deeds.” We have fought in streets, courts, and police stations. In 2017, the Supreme Court finally delivered a verdict that settled the legal question once and for all.

But while we were busy fighting for the ownership of our churches, we forgot to ask: Who will be left to stand inside them?

The Demographic Twilight

The reality of the Kerala Christian community is terrifying. We are in freefall.

• Low Birth Rates: Our community is shrinking faster than any other in Kerala.

• Mass Migration: Our youth are leaving for the West, never to return.

• Secularism: The new generation is tired of the feuds and is quietly walking away from the Church entirely.

We are behaving like two brothers fighting to the death over the title deed of an ancestral home, completely ignoring the fact that there will be no grandchildren left to live in it. As the famous saying goes, we are “two bald men fighting over a comb.”

The Trap of “Total Victory”

We often look back at the peace of 1958—when the two factions united for 12 years—and wonder why we can’t do it again. But the landscape has changed.

The 2017 verdict created a “Winner Takes All” scenario. Legally, the Orthodox faction owns everything. But sociologically, this has pushed the Jacobite faction into a corner where they feel their only option is resistance. This deadlock has created a “Parallel Empire” where we have two of everything—two bishops for every district, two Sunday schools, two youth movements. Merging them now threatens the jobs and status of hundreds of clergy.

So, we are stuck. The Orthodox have the Law; the Jacobites have the People in their parishes. And while we stare each other down, the world moves on.

The Myth of Allegiance: A Historical Reality Check

To understand why we are fighting, we must first understand that the current factional lines are based on a misunderstanding of our own history. The narrative that the “Jacobite” faction fights for an ancient, unbreakable loyalty to Antioch while the “Orthodox” faction fights for innovation is historically flawed.

The truth is that the St. Thomas Christians (Nasranis) have always sought Autocephaly (self-rule). The connection to Antioch was not an ancient blood-bond but a legal and spiritual ploy used to survive persecution.

A Timeline of Faith, Survival, and Schism:

AD 52 – 16th Century (The Era of Independence): For 1,500 years, the Nasranis followed the East Syriac (Persian/Chaldean) tradition. They welcomed bishops from Persia for spiritual validation but maintained absolute administrative freedom under their own Archdeacons.

1599 – 1653 (The Portuguese Yoke): The Portuguese colonizers forced the church under Rome at the Synod of Diamper, burning our ancient texts and imposing Latincustoms.

1653 (The Coonan Cross Oath): The spark of our independence. When the Portuguese detained the bishop Mar Ahathalla (whom the Nasranis hoped would restore their priesthood), the community rose up. They tied a rope to the Coonan Cross and swore to cast off the Portuguese yoke. Crucially, those who take “pledges” at the Coonan Cross today often misunderstand this event. It was not a pledge of submission to Antioch; it was a pledge of independence from Rome.

1665 (The “Accidental” Shift): Desperate for a valid bishop to consecrate their leader (Mar Thoma I) and validate their resistance against Rome, the church accepted Mar Gregorios Abdul Jaleel from the Syriac Orthodox Church of Antioch. To escape the Portuguese (who branded them “Nestorian” heretics), they adopted the West Syriac faith and liturgy. It was a shift born of survival, not original lineage.

19th Century (The Legal Ploy): The undivided Puthencoor faction (modern Orthodox Jacobites combined) used the authority of the Patriarch of Antioch primarily as a legal shield to fight off the Reformers (who later became the Mar Thoma Syrian Church). They needed the Patriarch to prove to the British courts that they were the “true” church.

1912 (The Real Schism): The factions we know today only emerged in 1912. Why? Because Patriarch Abdullah II demanded temporal power over the Indian Church’s assets—a colonial usurpation that the Indian Metropolitan, Vattasseril Dionysius VI, refused. The Patriarch excommunicated him, not for heresy, but for refusing to sign over the deed to the church’s wealth.

The Case for Autocephaly

The St. Thomas Christians possess a lineage that descends directly from an Apostle of Christ. We do not need “legitimacy” imported from elsewhere.

The Throne of St. Thomas: Our apostolic heritage is complete. The concept that we need the “Throne of Peter” (Antioch) for validity ignores the fact that St. Thomas founded a church here in AD 52.

The Fractured “Mother”: Which Antioch? Today, there are at least five Patriarchs claiming the See of Antioch (Syriac Orthodox, Greek Orthodox, Syriac Catholic, Maronite, Melkite). To tie our destiny to one of these competing claims is unnecessary.

The Compromised Overlord: Historically, the Patriarchate in the Middle East has often been compromised, functioning under the strictures of various Caliphates and regimes.

True Orthodox faith thrives in freedom (Autocephaly), not in temporal submission to a foreign overlord who is often beholden to non-Christian rulers.

A Survival Pact: The Way Forward

If we want the Church of St. Thomas to survive the 21st century, we must stop trying to “conquer” each other and start trying to save the ship. We need a Survival Pact.

Here is a proposal for a radical pivot from Litigation to Mission:

1. The “Cemetery Model” for the Living

The Kerala Government forced us to share cemeteries because dignity in death is a human right. Why can’t we voluntarily extend this grace to the living?

We need a Sacramental Access Protocol. Let the legal title remain with the Orthodox Church (as the court ruled), but allow Jacobite families to conduct weddings and baptisms at their ancestral altars using their own priests. We should be guardians of a shared heritage, not evictors of families.

2. Stop Building “Spite Churches”

When a faction loses a church, they often build a new one 500 meters away out of anger. This splits the community and duplicates resources.

Instead, let’s adopt a “Mission Expansion” strategy. If a new church must be built, build it 5 to 10 kilometers away in a new residential hub or an underserved area. Let’s expand the Kingdom, not just our egos.

3. A Liturgy for a Global Flock

Our liturgy is our treasure, but it has become an ethnic fortress. To our youth in the diaspora (like my own children in Canada) and to potential converts, the strict insistence on “Malayali” culture is a barrier.

We need a high-quality, condensed English Liturgy that retains the theology of St. James but sheds the cultural exclusivity of the 19th century. If we cannot offer the “Medicine of Immortality” to a Tamilian, a European, or a North Indian, we have failed Christ.

4. The Macedonian Call: Look West

While we fight in Kerala, a miracle is happening in the West. Thousands of Americans and Europeans are converting to Orthodoxy, seeking depth and ancient roots. They are joining the Greek, Russian, and Coptic churches.

They could be joining us. But they aren’t, because when they Google “Indian Orthodox Church,” they see court verdicts and street fights, not theology. We are missing a historic harvest because we are too busy fighting over the fence.

An Appeal to the Leaders and the Laity

To our Bishops and Leaders: The “Honourable Exit” from this feud will not come from a court order. It will come from magnanimity. We need a leader brave enough to say, “The courts gave us the building, but Christ called us to win the brother.”

To the Laity: Stop funding the lawsuits. Start funding the missions. Demand that your parish focuses on palliative care, food relief, and prayer, not on legal fees.

Our history is messy. Our lineage has been a series of accidents and splits. But our God is one. Let us unite not because we agree on who sits on the Throne of Antioch, but because if we don’t, there will be no one left to bury us.

Let us choose Legacy over Litigation.

About the Author: Alex Abraham is a Canadian citizen originally from the Chathoth-Vallamkulam family in Kerala. He belongs to an ancient traditionalist lineage—his forefather, Oommen of Konkara, was a signatory to the historic Mulanthuruthy Synod. His branch of the family has stood with the Malankara Orthodox faction since 1912.

Explore Our Digital Family Tree

Chathoth Extended Family Tree: A Guide for Family Members

The Chathoth extended family tree is an invaluable resource for our family to stay connected and learn more about our lineage. It provides a comprehensive overview of our family history, including the names, dates of birth, and relationships of all our family members.

Uses of the Chathoth Extended Family Tree:

  • Track family history and lineage
  • Discover relationships between family members
  • Send birthday and anniversary greetings

How to Use the Chathoth Extended Family Tree:

  1. Visit the following link: [Link to the Chathoth extended family tree]
  2. Bookmark the link for easy access in the future.
  3. To update the file for accuracy, please use the privately shared link. All family members have access to make changes, and any changes made will be automatically updated for everyone.
  4. Reference the reordered list of birthdays by date and month for easy access.

4 Daily Phrases from the Happiest Country in the World

In a revealing exploration of happiness, researcher and psychologist Frank Martela dives into the cultural ethos of Finland, identified by the United Nations’ World Happiness Report as the happiest country globally. Martela shares four daily phrases that encapsulate the Finnish approach to happiness, emphasizing the values of presence, resilience, individual responsibility, and communal support.

1. “Who has happiness should hide it”: This phrase, credited to Finland’s national poet Eino Leino, reflects a collective modesty. It suggests that even in moments of great joy, one should maintain humility, thereby avoiding the pitfalls of comparison which often lead to dissatisfaction and unhappiness .

2. “The pessimist will never be disappointed”: Considered a cultural constant, this saying acknowledges life’s inevitable challenges. Accepting and preparing for life’s ups and downs fosters resilience and a realistic approach to personal happiness .

3. “Everyone is the blacksmith of their own happiness”: Rooted in a Latin saying, this popular Finnish adage highlights the importance of personal accountability in the pursuit of happiness. It emphasizes that happiness is crafted through individual effort, not passively received .

4. “Some have happiness, everyone has summer”: Reflecting on life’s natural cycles, this phrase reminds us that just as seasons change, so do the phases of our lives. It encourages a focus on the present and finding joy in the certainty of brighter days ahead .

These phrases not only offer a glimpse into Finland’s happiness culture but also provide universal insights into cultivating a fulfilling life. They remind us that happiness is a complex interplay of personal attitude, community support, and societal well-being.

Happiness mantra

Chathoth Vallamkulam Family Reunion: Gathering in Bangalore

Family Meeting Announcement

Chathoth Vallamkulam family meeting is scheduled for July 1, 2023, at 11:30 AM at Radisson, Ulsoor, Bengaluru, India.
The agenda includes a prayer by Achan, welcome, introductions, a message by Dr. and Mrs. CC Abraham, a video tribute to departed souls, video bytes from non-attendees, an open forum, vote of thanks, another prayer by Achan, and lunch. The meeting is organized by Dr. Alexander Thomas and Reji Mathew.

Introducing “Dr. C. C. Abraham: An Inspiring Life in the Amazing Grace of God” – A Biography Book

We are thrilled to present “Dr. C.C. Abraham: An Inspiring Life in the Amazing Grace of God,” a captivating biography that delves into the extraordinary life of Dr. C.C. Abraham. This book takes readers on an inspiring exploration of his achievements, contributions, and the indelible impact he has made throughout his career and life. Beyond a mere biography, it also offers a fascinating glimpse into the rich family history of the Chathoth lineage of the ancient Malakara Orthodox Christians from Vallamkulam near Thiruvalla, Kerala, India from the early twentieth century.

Snapshot of Family History:

The roots of Dr. C.C. Abraham’s family can be traced back to the early twentieth century in the picturesque village of Vallamkulam, nestled in Kerala’s Pathanamthitta district. The Chathoth family, renowned for its heritage and traditions, played a significant role in shaping the region’s cultural fabric. From humble beginnings, they nurtured a legacy of knowledge, resilience, family bonds, and service to society through their faith in God.

Family Tree:

The family tree of the Chathoth lineage showcases generations of remarkable individuals who have left their mark on various fields. The five brothers C.I Chandy, C.I. Abraham, C.I. Mathew, C.I. Thomas and C.I. George and their only sister C.I. Aleyamma represent the first generation of the modern family. Their family tree tree represents a tapestry of strength and resilience. Each branch represents countless stories of triumph, sacrifice, and dedication.

Conclusion:

“Dr. C.C. Abraham: An Inspiring Life in the Amazing Grace of God” is a captivating biography that delves into the extraordinary accomplishments of Dr. C.C. Abraham while offering insights into the rich family history of the Chathoth lineage. The book also sheds light on the ancient Nasranis or St. Thomas Christians in Kerala, spanning centuries. It pays homage to a resilient family that has significantly influenced the cultural and intellectual fabric of their community. Moreover, it showcases their journey of overcoming financial challenges in the early twentieth century through unwavering determination and the remarkable grace of God.

Easter Message

Easter is a time of renewal and hope for Christians around the world. It marks the victory of life over death, of grace over sin, and of communion over desolation. As Pope Francis reminds us, Easter is a “passage” that we must all make, a journey from darkness to light, from fear to confidence, from war to peace. This journey is not an easy one, and it requires faith, courage, and solidarity.

One of the key messages of Easter is the power of prayer. During Holy Week, the Pope calls on us to pray more intensely for the war-torn people of Ukraine, and for all those who suffer from conflict and violence around the world. He reminds us that non-violence is the path to progress and that we must work towards a more widespread culture of peace. This message is echoed by the Dalai Lama, who emphasizes the importance of inner values in promoting harmony and happiness.

The Pope also reminds us of the need for solidarity with those who are suffering from natural disasters and other tragedies. He calls on us to pray for the victims of the earthquakes in Turkey and Syria, as well as the tornado in Mississippi. These events remind us of the fragility of life and the importance of compassion and support for those who are affected by adversity.

At the heart of Easter is the belief in the sacredness of every human person. The Pope reminds us that every individual is inviolable and that we must work towards a society that respects the dignity of every person, no matter their condition. This message is particularly important in a world where discrimination, inequality, and violence are still all too prevalent.

The author also wishes to add a couple of messages from the Dalai Lama. He reminds us that the source of a happy life is within us. He emphasizes the importance of inner values, such as compassion, kindness, and empathy, in promoting harmony and well-being. He reminds us that education alone is not enough to combat the troubles in the world, but that we must also pay attention to our inner selves and cultivate the qualities that make us truly human.

Easter reminds us of the power of faith, prayer, and solidarity in promoting peace and well-being in the world. As we celebrate this season of renewal, let us remember the importance of respecting the dignity of every person, of promoting non-violence and inner values, and of standing in solidarity with those who suffer from adversity. Only by working together can we create a world that is more just, more peaceful, and more humane.